A few days ago died Francesco Cossiga, the first Secretary, then President of the Council and finally the Republic. And of course, a senator for life. A life as a politician. Now the right and left, the media and journalists praising his achievements. The 'pickaxe', appears bizarre, ironic, imaginative, histrionic, crowds have been defined in many ways. But probably someone forgets that Cossiga was first and foremost a politician. Who is talking about political events made? There is talk of Cossiga as a man, but not as a politician. Yeah, as a politician is a bit 'more difficult to talk about. For reasons of time, will report here an article that appeared in Il Manifesto, the only means lone voice - already are common, their! - Article, I said, signed by Ida Dominijanni. Cossiga was a reminder that much closer to the figure of a fascist, with 'a great sense of state', as some say, but yes like 'the state is me'. I quote the words of condolence to the conclusion of the Minister Giulio Tremonti: "Politicians are divided into two broad categories (and so far seems to be a film by Sergio Leone): men and others. Francesco Cossiga was a man." What words! I wonder what drive was writing. Cossigheide from the Moro to Berlusconi's Shadow
Moro in the life of Francesco Cossiga as an indelible mark: "If I have white hair and spots on the skin's why: because as we left to kill Moro , I was aware of. " These are his words, as confirmed by subsequent, repeated admissions, such as this in 2001: "I have helped to kill or let kill Moro when I chose not to deal with the Br, and I accept it as my responsibility, in contrast to many beautiful souls of Dc. Others have discovered trattativisti later, but I was and remain convinced that the state is a value. "
Hair bianchi, macchie sulla pelle: tecnicamente si chiama «incorporazione del lutto», e capita quando un lutto accompagnato da sensi di colpa si trasforma in un fantasma persecutorio. Non c'è notizia invece di tracce corporee imputabili ad altri lutti della democrazia italiana, cui il ministro degli interni dei cosiddetti anni di piombo, il famoso Kossiga con la K, non fu estraneo: Giorgiana Masi, Roma 1976, Francesco Lorusso, Bologna 1977. Anche a questo proposito non mancheranno però successive e puntuali rivendicazioni, come l'orazione in Senato del 2 agosto 2001 contro la sfiducia a Scajola per i fatti di Genova: «Anni fa un ministro dell'interno sgombrò Bologna con i carri cingolati dell'Arma dei carabinieri, e nessuno ne chiese le dimissioni. Anni fa in un violento attacco a reparti di carabinieri cadde un giovane autonomo, e nessuno chiese le dimissioni del ministro. Anni fa in eventi ancora oscuri Giorgiana Masi cadde dall'altra parte di un ponte, e nessuno chiese le dimissioni del ministro».
Ancora nel 2008 del resto non furono da meno i consigli a Bobo Maroni su come affrontare le manifestazioni dell'Onda: «Faccia quello che feci io, ritiri le forze di polizia dalle strade e dalle università, infiltri il movimento con agenti provocatori pronti a tutto, e lasci che per una decina di giorni i manifestanti mettano a ferro e fuoco le città; poi, le forze dell'ordine dovrebbero mandarli tutti in ospedale senza pietà».
Questo era stato il Cossiga della First Republic, the interior minister at the time not only the facts but also those of Ustica, and the massacre in Bologna, which at one point attributed to the "Palestinian resistance": the man was convinced that the state is a value, and that this it upholds the value of these methods. Then came the Quirinal tenant believes that the rule of no more value than he had, and that the First Republic would dissolve in the second. No one better than him, moreover, knew that the first had ended with Moro in '78. And no one more than he was convinced that 89 closed permanently, with the bipolar world, the raison d'etre of a national policy aimed, from '48 onwards, the primary objective of the exclusion of communists by the government.
were the years of the Great Picconato, the "revelations" made the national past with the dropper or vomited river depending on demand, and culminated in the admission of '92 on Gladio, the paramilitary structure Atlantic introduced in Italy after the war to neutralize the red menace It was proof that we had always been a republic with limited sovereignty, but was also the pass, very left, the then President of the Republic to a regime change.
Not only this, after all, Cossiga can be considered the ferryman from first to second republic: it must be him, for example, the beginning of the practice of political utterances and the use of media with Berlusconi would become current. It is due to him and his pick, more deeply, the rupture of the system of true and false that, for better or worse had characterized the institutional life of the first forty years, a Republican, and that with him before with Berlusconi, it transformed into a system where everything is speakable because nothing is verifiable: a transformation that affects the same aura of the Sovereign and his credibility.
the rest: "I am not mad, I'm a fool. They are the fake mad saying it like it is, "so once Cossiga himself. Of the many things these faux-matte, anticipate, prophesied, and made by himself in person with power who had no residual maintained after seven years at the Quirinale, at least two shall be remembered. The first is his blessing to the D'Alema government, November 98, nine years after '89, there was to go to war in Kosovo and an ex-communist could finally enter at Palazzo Chigi. The second is his diagnosis of '97, when the pick decreed that the Polo Berlusconi was set to a slow death, and that once indebolitosi further then the PDS, would open the doors to a center-right Gaullist. Gianfranco Fini, at the time, was enthusiastic.
